Sunday, August 30, 2009

MEET ATUM- SPIRITUAL CHEROKEE TRANCE JOCK FOR BURNING MAN 2009




Atum-a well known Cherokee trance music jock from the West Coast, will be playing BURNING MAN 2009. BURNING MAN is located in Black Rock City, NV. It will run from August 31st to September 7th. Atum a Cherokee Native man will be playing trance music of a tribalistic nature and Native spirituality.

Saturday, August 29, 2009

CREATING PROPER CEREMONY EQUATES GOOD MEDICINE

The devastated earth, the air, water, the extinct species of mankind, animalkind, and plantkind, the drugs, suicides, family separations - these are all the result of false ceremonies."

Barney Bush, SHAWNEE

All life is a ceremony. Every act is a ceremony creating a result in our lives. Every ceremony we do always brings results to our lives. If we do bad medicine to others, we do bad medicine to ourselves.

If we keep on doing bad ceremonies, we will eventually destroy ourselves. Any time we live our lives out of harmony, we are doing bad ceremonies.

Any time we treat anything with disrespect whether it is another human being or a plant or an animal, we are performing bad ceremonies.

These ceremonies not only have an effect on ourselves but will simultaneously affect everything. We need to use our power well, only do good ceremonies.

Thursday, August 27, 2009

THE MURDER OF ANNIE MAE AQUASH, AND ROBERT ROBIDEAU: THE PLOTS AND COUNTER-PLOTS


News From Indian Country

Robert Robideau, a long time activist and artist affiliated with the American Indian Movement passed away in Barcelona, Spain.

According to his niece, Starr Robideau, arrangements as of Feb. 21, were being made to bring Robideau back to Portland, Oregon where services will be conducted. She also announced on Feb. 22, that an honoring service was in the planning for a location in Edgewood, New Mexico March 14 and 15th.

Robideau apparently suffered a seizure while working in his painting studio at the American Indian Movement Museum he helped create with his wife in Barcelona, on the February 17th.

The seizure, according to family members and doctors in Spain, may have been brought on by brain injuries Robideau received in Kansas in 1975, when his station wagon carrying arms and ammunition for the American Indian Movement exploded on a turnpike.

In the vehicle, law enforcement also found an AR-15 that was linked to shells and eventually Leonard Peltier and alleged to have been the weapon used to kill two FBI agents on June 26, 1975 on the Pine Ridge Reservation.

Robideau was a long time member of the Autonomous Chapters of the American Indian Movement, and who along with Dino Butler was acquitted at trial in 1977, of shooting to death those FBI agents on the Pine Ridge Reservation. His cousin, Leonard Peltier was later convicted of aiding and abetting on the same murder charges and was sentenced to two life terms in prison.

Robideau served two terms as director of the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee (LPDC) where he set the stage in the early 1990s for the emergence of a Mr X who claimed to have been responsible for the shooting of the two agents. Robideau introduced Mr. X to former CIA agent and author Peter Matthiessen on February 17, 1990 at Robideau's home, at the time in the Pacific Northwest. Matthiessen went on to write a whole chapter dedicated to Mr. X and included it in updated copies of his book, In The Spirit of Crazy Horse before that, and many other parts of the book became discredited as new facts have emerged.

Several members of the American Indian Movement, including, but not limited too, the late Vernon Bellecourt, former AIM National Chairman John Trudell, and Dino Butler later stepped forward to claim Mr. X was actually Harry David Hill, a current LPDC spokesperson and Autonomous AIM member, and refuted Mr. X's claim of having shot the agents.

However, Robideau passionately argued to the end, that the Federal government never proved who had shot FBI agents Jack Coler and Ron Williams on June 26, 1975 and like him, Peltier should have been acquitted at minimum of all charges on grounds of self-defense.

In recent years, Robideau actively supported the extradition of John Boy Patton-Graham from Canada, and resigned from the LPDC in 2005 when Peltier and other members of the organization began to actively support Graham's attempt to avoid extradition to the United States from Canada.

Robideau, in a January 31, 2009 interview with Brenda Golden on Red Town Radio named Dennis Banks as the ranking AIM leader in 1975 that gave the orders for the executive of Aquash. During the lengthy interview, Robideau also charged that the government would utilize any upcoming testimony in the Aquash trials as a way to prevent Peltier from receiving a positive parole hearing.

Graham is awaiting trial in Rapid City, South Dakota on charges he aided and abetted in the First Degree Premeditated Murder of Annie Mae Pictou Aquash on or around Dec. 11, 1975 on orders of senior members of the American Indian Movement who thought she was an FBI informant. Peltier, still in the United States on that date, is the only prominent AIM member involved in the case that has not accounted for his where-abouts during that time period.

Robideau accused AIM brothers Vernon and Clyde Bellecourt for initiating the actions against Aquash, and claimed that AIM Attorney Bruce Ellison of Rapid City, South Dakota had a hand in framing Aquash as a "snitch." But Peltier himself, according to court testimony bragged to Aquash and several other people, including KaMook Nichols-Banks and Bernie Lafferty at the time about shooting the agents, leading to speculation about motives. Robideau argued that whatever Peltier had said to Aquash, Banks and Lafferty, would not have been said if he did not trust the three.


Born on November 11, 1946 in Portland, Oregon, Robideau was a member of the Minnesota Chippewa tribe, an umbrella tribal enrollment organization that encompasses Ojibwe descendants who had an accumulative blood quantum of several tribes, including the White Earth Ojibwe and Turtle Mountain Chippewa, both of which Robideau was a descendant of.

While Robideau remained involved in AIM politics and actions, his move to Spain to open a museum and paint meant his visits to the United States became less frequent. His son told the Associated Press that his father moved to Spain about 10 years ago but traveled widely in Europe speaking at universities on political issues and movements.


Indian Country Today-(Feb.17,2009)

WHO IN THE HELL MURDERED NATIVE ACTIVIST ANNIE MAE AQUASH ? INDIAN COUNTRY WANTS JUSTICE NOW!!




ANNIE MAE AQUASH-NATIVE ADVOCATE AND ACTIVIST

In Bar Harbor, Maine, Annie Mae Aquash became involved in the Teaching and Research in Bicultural Education School Project (TRIBES), a program designed to teach young Indians about their history. She soon moved to Boston where she met members of the American Indian Movement (AIM) who were protesting against the Mayflower II celebration at Boston Harbor, boarding and seizing the ship on Thanksgiving Day of 1970. Anna Mae was active in creating the Boston Indian Council (now the North American Indian Center of Boston).

It was also at that time that she met her second husband, Nogeeshik Aquash, from Walpole Island, Canada. They traveled to Pine Ridge together in 1973 to join AIM in the 71-day armed re-occupation of Wounded Knee, which is where they were married by Wallace Black Elk. A photo of their wedding can be found in the book Voices From Wounded Knee (1974).

She was also involved in the 1972 Trail of Broken Treaties march on Washington, D.C. that led to the occupation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs headquarters, and armed occupations by AIM and other indigenous warriors at Anicinabe Park in Kenora, Ontario in 1974 and the Alexian Brothers Novitiate at Gresham, Wisconsin, in 1975. [1]

By the spring of 1975, Anna Mae "was recognized and respected as an organizer in her own right and was taking an increasing role in the decision-making of AIM policies and programs," according to her biographer, Johanna Brand. [1]

She was personally close to AIM leaders Leonard Peltier and Dennis Banks. She worked until her death for the Elders and Lakota People of the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, South Dakota. [1]

THE MURDER OF ANNIE MAE AQUASH

On February 24, 1976, Aquash was found dead by the side of State Road 73 on the far northeast corner of the Pine Ridge Reservation, about 10 miles from Wanblee, South Dakota, close to Kadoka. Her body was found during an unusually warm spell in late February, 1976 by a rancher, Roger Amiotte.[2] The first autopsy (reports are now public information) states: "it appears she had been dead for about 10 days." The Bureau of Indian Affairs' medical practitioner, W. O. Brown, missing the bullet wound on her skull, stated that "she had died of exposure." [1]

Subsequently, her hands were cut off and sent to the Federal Bureau of Investigation headquarters in Washington, D.C. for fingerprinting. Although federal agents were present who knew Anna Mae, she was not identified, and her body was buried as a Jane Doe.

On March 10, 1976, eight days after Anna Mae's burial, her body was exhumed as the result of separate requests made by her family and AIM supporters, and the FBI. A second autopsy was conducted the following day by an independent pathologist from Minneapolis, Dr. Garry Peterson. This autopsy revealed that she had been shot by a .32 caliber bullet in the back of the head, execution style.[3]

INVESTIGATION

On March 20, 2003 two men were indicted for the murder of Anna Mae Pictou Aquash: Fritz Arlo Looking Cloud (a homeless Lakota man) and John Graham (aka John Boy Patton), a Southern Tutchone Athabascan man from Whitehorse, Yukon, Canada. Although Theda Clark, Graham's adopted aunt, is also alleged to have been involved, she has not been indicted.

In August 2008, a federal grand jury indicted a third man, Vine Richard "Dick" Marshall, with aiding and abetting the murder. It is alleged that Graham, Looking Cloud and Clark had taken Anna Mae to Marshall's house where she was held just prior to her being driven to her death. This is based on testimony given by Marshall's wife, Cleo Gates, at Looking Cloud's trial. Marshall is alleged to have provided the murder weapon to Graham and Looking Cloud. Marshall had previously been incarcerated for 24 years for the shooting death of man in 1975. He was paroled from prison in 2000. Marshall was a bodyguard for Russell Means at the time of Aquash's murder.[2]

On February 8, 2004 Arlo Looking Cloud was tried before a U.S. federal jury and five days later was found guilty. On April 23, 2004 he was given a mandatory sentence of life in prison. Although no physical evidence linking Looking Cloud to the crime was presented, a videotape was shown in which Looking Cloud admits to being at the scene of the murder but claims that he was unaware that Aquash was going to be killed. In that video, in which Looking Cloud is interviewed by Detective Abe Alonzo of the Denver Police Department and Robert Ecoffey, the Director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs Office of Law Enforcement Services, taped on March 27, 2003, he states that Graham was the triggerman.[4] Looking Cloud appealed his conviction.[5] On August 19, 2005, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit affirmed the judgment of conviction. 419 F.3d 781. Other witnesses testifed that Looking Cloud had confessed his involvement to them, including his childhood friend Richard Two Elk, Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, John Trudell, and Aquash's two daughters.[3]

On June 22, 2006 John Graham's extradition to the United States to face charges on his alleged involvement in the murder was ordered by Canada's Minister of Justice, Vic Toews. Graham appealed this order and was held under house arrest, with conditions. In July 2007, a Canadian court denied his appeal, and upheld his extradiction order to the U.S. On December 6, 2007 the Supreme Court of Canada denied Graham's appeal of his extradition. He is presently being held in jail in Rapid City, South Dakota awaiting trial on first degree murder charges. He will be tried together with Marshall.[4]

Graham adamantly denies any involvement in the death of Anna Mae. He claims that the U.S. government threatened to name him as the murderer of Anna Mae if he "didn't co-operate". Claiming that he last saw Annie Mae on a drive that took them from Denver to the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, where he left her at a "safe house" (in his own words, in an interview with Antoinette Nora Claypoole), Graham explains why he believes he is being charged as her murderer:

" IN THE MID 80'S OR SOMETIME UP IN THERE...."

The FBI showed up at my home in the Yukon, and asked me all kinds of questions about Anna Mae and the death. They were trying to say I was there, or I knew about it, or I was aware of it. And I had to tell them I wasn't aware, I wasn't around there and I wasn't involved in her killing at all.

And they wanted me to name leadership that would have given the order to that effect, to kill Anna Mae. And they were trying to tell me they would put me in the witness protection program, they would change my identity, they would relocate me if I would go to testify in front of the federal Grand Jury in South Dakota against the AIM leadership.

So I told them I couldn't do that because it never happened.

I never, ever received orders of any kind like that from any of the AIM leadership. And so I wouldn’t do it; I wouldn't cooperate with them.
And they left. Then they came back a year or so later and said.... if I didn't cooperate with them to put this information on the AIM leadership, then I would be facing all these charges myself."
The question of Graham's innocence or guilt has divided AIM and AIM leadership, with some (including John Trudell and Russell Means) arguing that he was, in fact, the triggerman and others arguing that he is merely a scapegoat.

Leonard Peltier, America's best known American Indian prisoner, has made five public statements on the U.S. government's case against Looking Cloud and Graham. In his first public writing on the case, in 1999, he stated:

“ I have not said anything up until now because I do not want to be involved in an investigation carried out in part, by Robert Ecoffey and the RCMP.

Ecoffey was responsible for much of the terror and corruption that existed on Pine Ridge in the early 70's. The RCMP, working with the FBI, submitted a fabricated statement against me over a year after I was arrested by them in Canada.

This statement has been used to justify my continued incarceration. Who would trust such sources to carry out an investigation into one of the many, many, people who were murdered in conjunction with the FBI on Pine Ridge during that era?

I did not want to be involved in this, but now it looks like I must submit a public statement documenting my stance because I very much fear that innocent people will be railroaded as I have, into prison, and the governments of Canada and the U.S. will be happy to have given AIM the image of a vicious and corrupt terrorist organization which we absolutely were not. ”

[6]

Subsequent to these statements, on February 2, 2005, a communiqué was issued through the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee (LPDC) by Robert Robideau, Co-Director of the LPDC. The communiqué stated:

“ There is compelling evidence that has recently come to our attention regarding John Graham that compels Leonard Peltier to dissasociate [sic] himself and the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee from John Graham and the John Graham Defense Committee… Leonard wants to make it very clear he wants justice to run its course and that he wants to also make it clear that he had no involvement in this matter and hence cannot associate himself with those alleged to have committed this crime against Indian people. ”

[7]

In a February 17, 2005, press statement Robert Robideau admitted that the February 2 statement was not issued by Leonard Peltier. He describes a phone conversation he had with Dennis Banks, saying, "Dennis wanted to know, 'Did Leonard issue this Statement?' I told Dennis no that I was issuing the statement because I know that not only the FBI was setting him up but also you [Dennis Banks]." [8]

In a letter from Leonard Peltier to Jennifer Wade of Amnesty International in Vancouver, postmarked May 4, 2007, Peltier explains his position on the matter:

“ Do I support Bob [Robideau] in his efforts to get John [Graham] railroaded into prison? Hell No! I¹d be a goddamn hypocrite if I did. Because I know just about as much as Bob knows about Anna Mae's murder and that is not a goddamn thing. I know Bob is full of shit and that if the truth be known he did not even know her. He my have spoken a casual Hello or something like that, otherwise he did not know her. ”

[9]

Robert Robideau had previously resigned from the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee in 2004 because of the committee and Peltier's support for John Graham. "I won’t be a party to the LPDC or to Leonard if he is not going to condemn these people," said Robideau in an interview with the magazine In These Times. [10]

Graham has refused to take a polygraph test,[11] something neither requested by the courts, his attorneys or the Canadian government. An independent group of women known as the Indigenous Women for Justice, convinced of Graham's guilt, demanded that he "take a test".

One of Anna Mae’s daughters, Denise Maloney Pictou is the Executive Director of the Indigenous Women for Justice[12], who are convinced of Graham's guilt. She has stated that she believes her mother was killed by AIM members who "thought she knew too much. She knew what was happening in California, she knew where the money was coming from to pay for the guns, she knew the plans, but more than any of that, she knew about the killings."[13] Aquash’s other daughter, Debbie Pictou Maloney, is a Constable with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and has been active in the Annie Mae Justice Fund.[14]

Denise Maloney Pictou claims that Paul DeMain, managing editor of News from Indian Country, arranged (through Richard Two Elk) for Arlo Looking Cloud to call her at home. She claims that Looking Cloud confessed to her the story that has become known as "The FBI story." Neither Debbie nor Denise personally knew Looking Cloud at the time and cannot verify that the caller was indeed him, although he mentioned speaking to the daughters in his videotaped testimony of March 27, 2003.[15]

The case is rife with rumor. Paul DeMain stated that Anna Mae was killed in part because, she knew that Leonard Peltier actually killed the agents. Peltier sued in an attempt to force DeMain and News From Indian Country to reveal the confidential sources upon which this statement was based upon. Shortly after the trial of Arlo Looking Cloud, during which KaMook Nichols testified that Peltier had bragged to her, her sister and Annie Mae about shooting the agents, Bob Robideau on behalf of Leonard Peltier entered into negotiations with DeMain in order to have the lawsuit dismissed. (see testimony of KaMook Nichols: www.jfamr.org)

The current investigation into Anna Mae's murder and original research from which Pictou bases some of her conjecture came from the efforts of Anna Mae's second cousin, Robert Pictou-Branscombe. Branscombe originally began his efforts in the early 1990s, receiving at least some of his "ground-breaking information" from a Denver Police Department detective named Abe Alonzo.

There are many theories about who may have been behind the murder of Anna Mae. John Trudell fingers Dennis Banks, stating in both the 1976 Butler and Robideau trial and the Looking Cloud trial that Banks told him about the killing before the body had been identified.[16] In Dennis Banks' autobiography, Ojibwa Warrior, he states that he was informed by John Trudell that the body that had been found was Annie Mae. Banks states that he did not know until that time that Aquash had been killed.

Although Arlo Looking Cloud did testify in a video that he was present at the murder and that John Graham pulled the trigger, Looking Cloud did admit on the tape that he was making his statement while under the influence of "a little bit of alcohol."[17] However, trial testimony showed that Looking Cloud also confessed to a number of other individuals in various times and places.[3]

In Looking Cloud's appeal, filed by attorney Terry Gilbert who has replaced his trial attorney Tim Rensch, Looking Cloud has retracted his videotaped confession stating that it was false. He is appealing on the grounds that his trial counsel was ineffective in that he failed to object to the introduction of his videotaped statement, failed to object to hearsay statements of Anna Mae Aquash, failed to object to hearsay instruction for the jury, and failed to object to leading questions by the prosecution to Robert Ecoffey.[18] The U.S. 8th Circuit Court of Appeals denied Looking Cloud's appeal.[5]

Though some are alleged to have believed Anna Mae to be a federal agent, no documentary evidence has emerged proving that she worked for the federal government (COINTELPRO).[citation needed]


Notes
1.Anna Mae Aquash, Letter from jail (1975) [19]
2.Michael Donnelly, Getting Away with Murder. (2006) [20]
3.Antoinette Nora Claypoole, Interview with John Graham, Southern Tutchone; conducted at the studios of KPFK/Pacifica Radio in Los Angeles) . (2004) [21]
4.Robert Robideau, There is compelling evidence.... (2005) [22]
5.Indigenous Women for Justice, Man Indicted for Anna Mae's Murder Refuses to take Lie-Detector Test. (2004) [23]
6.Paul DeMain, An interview with Denise Pictou-Maloney on the death of her mother, Annie Mae Aquash. (2004) [24]
BIA interview w/Arlo Looking Cloud http://www.jfamr.org/doc/arlo.html


References
1 The Life and Death of Anna Mae Aquash by Johanna Brand (1993) Toronto: J. Lorimer
2. "U.S. indicts Richard Marshall in Aquash murder case", News from Indian Country, http://indiancountrynews.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4398&Itemid=108
3.jfamr.org document index
4.Trial for 1975 murder of Canadian woman set for February in South Dakota
5.Looking Cloud Appeal
Claypoole, Antoinette Nora (1999). Who Would Unbraid Her Hair: The Legend of Annie Mae. Anam Cara Press. ISBN 0-9673853-0-X.[25] http://www.antoinettewritings.blogspot.com
Voices from Wounded Knee, 1973, In the Words of the Participants (1974). Rooseveltown, New York: Akwesasne Notes. ISBN 0-914838-01-6.
Hendricks, Steve (2006). The Unquiet Grave: The FBI and the Struggle for the Soul of Indian Country. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press. ISBN 1-56025-735-0. http://www.stevehendricks.org
Smith, Charlie (2007). John Graham says Native chiefs under FBI spell. The Georgia
Straight. July 12, 2007

source:wikipedia

RACCOON EYES SOCIALISING IN A NATIVE HOME

MIXED BLOOD NATIVES-THE SILENCE OF INDIAN COUNTRY, THE QUANAH PARKER STORY


MIXED BLOOD NATIVE PEOPLE- THE SILENCE OF INDIAN COUNTRY



The Quanah Parker Story



By: Mike (Ali) Raccoon Eyes Kinney




This editorial is both inspirational and motivational, and yet hard hitting and in some cases very ugly and brutal.



It is a story whose time has come to be discussed in Indian Country. It is our stories of being mixed blood Native people, damned for whom we are and damned for who we are not. It is a story of human courage, dignity and pride, of being whom we are, not wishing what we could have been. Let us continue with the story Cousins, for it is the history, Our history of Indian Country.



Perhaps the most internationally famous mixed blood to come out of Indian Country was the legendary Quanah Parker. Quanah, the son of Cynthia Ann Parker; a white female child who was carried off by the Comanche's in a raid at Parker's Fort in Texas in Spring of 1836.



Cynthia Ann was adopted by a band of Penatakas. Quanah's father was of the Quohada band. He name was Peta Nocona, he was a full blood leader of the band.



Quanah would lead the final and the last of the campaigns to drive out the white settlers and farmers from Comanche lands.



When the McKenzie expedition used the scorched earth policies where tons of Comanche clothing, food, weapons and supplies were burned and thousands of horses were shot by the blue coats, Quanah's war is quickly coming to an abrupt halt.



Realizing his people are starving from malnutrition and disease, he makes the painful decision to march to Ft. Sill.Words cannot fill the empty bellies of children and elders.



As Quanah's band of Quohada warriors enter Ft. Sill, they quietly throw down their weapons in piles. No words are spoken to the blue coats of Colonel McKenzie.



In the months to follow his being held against his will as a captive, Quanah has reached a spiritual decision about being a mixed blood Native.



In effect, if his mother Cynthia Ann Parker could learn to live among the People of his father Peta Nocona, then he would learn to live among his own mother's extended family.



Cousins, this is one of the many stories of mixed blood people in Indian Country. The decision to leave one culture and to enter into another culture. Quanah's story, is the story of why there are hundreds of thousands of mixed blood people even today in Indian Country.

MORE RACCOON MEDICINE....

Wednesday, August 26, 2009

ELDER FOOL'S CROW-WISDOM OF A HOLY MAN





The Sioux are raised in the Sun Dance and it is the highest expression of our religion.

All share is the fasting, the prayer and the benefits.

Some in the audience pray along with the dancers, everyone is profoundly involved.

And because of this the Sioux Nation and all the peoples of the world are blessed by Wakan Tanka."

Fools Crow, Oglala Lakota

CREATOR'S EXAMPLE- 'THOSE WHO LIVE FOR ONE ANOTHER, LEARN THAT LOVE IS THE BOND OF PERFECT UNITY'




Those who live for one another learn that love is the bond of perfect unity."

Fools Crow, LAKOTA

To serve each other, to respect each other, to trust each other, to honor each other, to love each other, to cooperate with each other, to care for each other, to forgive one another, to focus on peoples' good, to laugh with one another, to learn from one another, to pray for each other; these are all acts of love.

These values and actions will connect us to one another in the Unseen World. Nature is a good example of how we should get along with one another. Watch nature. She is our teacher.

Nature lives to give to one another. The insects give to the birds, who give to the four legged, who give to the two legged.

The Creator made all things perfect.

RETHINKING THE ROLE OF GANGS

Rethinking the Role of Gangs
July 8, 2009 by CLTL



John Hagedorn is Professor of Criminal Justice at the University of Illinois-Chicago. His most recent book is A World of Gangs: Armed Young Men and Gangsta Culture.

We read every day about the arrest of gang members or statements by police that some bust “crippled” the local gang. Zero tolerance policies in schools and communities have as a goal the complete elimination of gangs. In several Central American countries, a policy of “mano dura” or the iron fist, aims to smash gangs.

But despite these policies, filled jails, and one police campaign after another, gangs haven’t gone away. In fact, a quick glance at press reports from around the world finds gangs everywhere. What’s up with this? Do the failure of “hard line” policies mean that we should ignore gangs or treat them nicely and they will go away? What should we do?

Here’s what I think: Gangs aren’t going away no matter what we do. In other words, no matter if we crack down or lighten up, gangs are with us to stay. Let’s examine first why I’d say something outrageous like this and then think about what it means for what we should do.

There are six billion people in the world today and half are under the age of 24. More than a billion are between 18-24, prime gang age. In a world that has 1.2 billion people living on less than a dollar a day, the UN’s standard for extreme poverty, there are a lot of poor, and understandably angry, young people. The sad truth is the 21st century is not so much a century of hope but one of shattered dreams. It’s not that individually, you or your friend can’t make it — hard work, determination, and getting a few breaks can give even the most “down and outs” a way up and out. But looking at the big picture, for the one billion plus people living in extreme poverty, the good life will remain out of reach for this lifetime, at least.

That’s really where gangs come in. Gangs are destructive and violent, alienated and armed young men and sometimes women. But they are also rebels in the face of a world that is even more violent, unforgiving, and cold. Unfortunately the response gangs most often choose is one that only makes things worse.


But not always, and this is the key to understanding how we should deal with gangs. When you look at US history as well as take a global look at the different kinds of gangs growing up in ghettoes, barrios, townships, and favelas, we find examples of gangs that have “changed their colors” and have become pro-community. That’s what the Latin Kings in Madrid, Spain have done, following a path set by their namesakes in New York City in the 1990s. The gang I have been researching, the Conservative Vice Lords in the 1960s started legitimate businesses, cleaned up their community, and created jobs in Chicago’s Lawndale neighborhood.


John Hagedorn
The common denominator in most of these stories of transformation are social movements. When they take hold, like the US civil rights movement in the 1960s, gangs can gravitate away from crime and violence. In other words, gangs and gang members can change if we pull them with us into movements of resistance and rebellion against racism, poverty, and police abuse.

No, that’s not easy. Drugs, violence, and the street life can be seductive as well as lethal. The police can be counted on for brutality and abuse. But gang members, like all of us, are not just one thing: they are not frozen forever into criminality or a violent life-style. Like us, they are sons or daughters of mothers and fathers; maybe they are religious, perhaps Muslims or Catholics; sports fans or athletes; musicians or avid listeners to hip hop or other beats. The secret to working with gangs is to encourage identities of resistance not identities that glory in violence, bigotry, or greed.

So while gangs, like poverty and racism, aren’t going away soon, they can change. I doubt any movement for real change will succeed unless those on the bottom of society — the more than one billion living in desperate poverty — join the struggle. And that includes their gangs.

Tuesday, August 25, 2009

NATIVE YOUTH GANGS AND VIOLENCE ON THE RISE ON INDIAN RESERVATIONS- WHY?


Gang Violence On The Rise On Indian Reservations
August 25, 2009


August 25, 2009 The Justice Department is trying to combat violence and lawlessness in Native American communities caused by gang activity.

Navajo country recently reported 225 gangs in its territory alone and more reservations noting the increased presence of gangs.

Guest host Jennifer Ludden talks about why gangs are becoming a major issue in Native American territories with Christopher Grant, former Chief of Detectives in Rapid City, South Dakota, and is now a national Native American Gang Specialist. Natay Carroll, a Navajo Indian who is a former gang member, and radio host Harlan McKasato, who is from the Sac and Fox tribe.

Copyright © 2009 National Public Radio®. For personal, noncommercial use only. See Terms of Use. For other uses, prior permission required.

JENNIFER LUDDEN, host:

I'm Jennifer Ludden, and this is TELL ME MORE from NPR News. Michel Martin is away.


But first, starting today and over the next two months, the Justice Department is mounting a high-profile effort to combat violence and crime in Native American communities. Top justice officials are in Seattle today for a listening tour.

In coming weeks, they will travel to New Mexico and Minnesota. One issue, they are likely to hear a lot about an increase in Native American gangs. It's an old problem in some areas, but it's spreading and getting worse as drug traffickers take advantage of loopholes in law enforcement on tribal lands. Navajo country recently reported 225 gangs in its territory.

Joining us now to talk about this is Christopher Grant. He is the former chief of detectives in Rapid City, South Dakota, and is now a national Native American gang specialist. Natay Carroll is Navajo, he's now a sports promoter but is a former gang member who's traveled the country to share his experiences with young people, and also joining us is Harlan McKasato from the Sac & Fox tribe. He hosts a radio program, "Native America Calling". Welcome to all of you.

Mr. CHRISTOPHER GRANT (Former Chief Detective, Rapid City): Thank you.

Mr. HARLAN McKASATO (Host, "Native America Calling"; Sac & Fox Tribe Member): (unintelligible)

Mr. NATAY CARROLL (Member of Navajo Community): Thanks for having us on.

LUDDEN: Christopher, can I start with you and can you give us a sense of the growth and reach of gangs on tribal lands.

Mr. GRANT: Well, the growth and spread of this problem really depends on what you're talking about in Indian country. Certainly, we're seeing an increase in the Midwest , Northwest and Southwest, where the majority of Indian country is located. But not every reservation is affected or impacted by the problem. Certainly, however, over the last five to eight years, there's been a notable and significant increase in gang activity in many tribal communities in that region of the country.

LUDDEN: And you've written that urban, non-native gangs, it's not like that they're moving on to these reservations, they're locally grown, if you will, but there is something of an influence factor.

Mr. GRANT: Yeah, that's correct. This really tends to be, excuse me, what we call a hybrid form of gang activity involving individuals from the tribal communities who will often claim affiliation with a national gang and use their names and signs and symbols but have no connection to the gang other than the name.

Now that's not complete in that regard, and that from time to time we do know that an urban gang influence is transplanted to the reservation. But for the most part, it is a hybrid form of gang behavior. The important point is that it's the same gangster mentality. That's what we need to be concerned about.

LUDDEN: And Harlan, this gangster mentality, I mean is this something that you hear about through your radio show. Do your listeners call in about this?

Mr. McKASATO: Yes, Jennifer, I hear about this problem that Chris just described. We talked about it from time to time on our program, and one of the things that I hear is that there's a disconnect from our traditional Native American culture and our values. So what I'm hearing from our listeners is that, you know, somehow we need to reverse that and…

LUDDEN: What do you mean this disconnect, what do people say?

Mr. MCKOSATO: Well, there is, you know, in our traditional values, I think you're looking for acceptance, you know, from within. You sort of build a relationship within yourself. And what we're seeing now is this, you know, looking for acceptance from outside. And, you know, people on the ground level like Natay, we're looking at people like that to help our young people reconnect back to the culture because, you know, we need more law enforcement. There's no doubt about that, but I think to really tackle this problem from what I'm hearing from people is that we got to get the mindset of the young people to change and it's got to come from the ground level.

LUDDEN: I want to get to law enforcement in a minute. But, Natay, can you tell us a bit of your story. How did you become involved in a gang?

Mr. CARROLL: It was pretty much exactly what Chris was talking about was, you know, the outside influence, the urban influence that actually was a big influence on, I guess you could say the enticement of the whole thing. You know, there's a lot of media stuff that's out there. There's a lot of negative influence within the community, the social community, you know, just everything that has to do within the Native American reservations that have lack of resources, you know, to help our young people to keep them in a positive frame of mind.

LUDDEN: Well, we know that crime is much higher in native lands, there's lots of alcoholism, domestic violence. I mean, are these the things you're talking about?

Mr. CARROLL: Yes, those are the exact things that actually fuel the choice, to make that choice, to make the quick buck, you know, because a lot of time a lot of our young people in the reservations don't have their resource to be able to express themselves in any type of manner other than what resources - limited resources they have on the reservations.

And when you see someone that comes out of the urban area onto the reservation that carried (unintelligible) that's exactly what, you know, the young people in the reservation are looking for and tend to emulate. And, you know, I mean it just becomes something that's informative. Once you have an individual like that on the reservation, you start having a gravitational pull towards that individual because he's had that experience and he's got that reputation.

LUDDEN: If you're just joining us, I'm Jennifer Ludden, and this is TELL ME MORE from NPR News. A rise in gangs on Indian reservations is causing concern. We're talking to Native American radio host Harlan McKasato, former gang member Natay Carroll and national Native American gang expert Christopher Grant.

Christopher, we said that drug traffickers take advantage of a gap in law enforcement on Indian reservations. Can you just explain to me who does have jurisdiction?

Mr. GRANT: Well, first of all, I would just want to comment Harlan and Natay's comments are just spot on in terms of the cultural disconnect and the other elements being referred to.

But to answer your question, okay, one of the issues out there has to do with lack of law enforcement resources or sufficient law enforcement resources. And yes, there are drug traffickers who are aware of that, who have sought to take advantage of that. This is not to suggest that inroads have been made into every reservation, every tribal community, but there are plenty of stories about drug traffickers taking advantage of that situation.

More importantly, they're taking advantage of the market that exists in certain tribal communities. Obviously, we wouldn't have a drug problem if there was not a market for drugs. So, they are exploiting that element as well. When you combine the drug world and the gang world, nothing good comes from that combination. So, this is of great concern as well.

LUDDEN: But is it really a fact that it's more likely to get away with something on a tribal reservation than they would in another jurisdiction? Harlan, is the lack of effective law enforcement an issue there?

Mr. MCKOSATO: Well, I think, you know, I agree with Chris that it's not that way on every reservation. I know - I talk with the attorney general there in Arizona. The former Attorney General Diane Humetewa from the Hopi reservation and, you know, she was explaining that one of the big problems in Arizona is that, you know, we have these interstates that runs, you know, from Mexico right through a lot of the reservations there. So, that's a big problem. It's leads right up into Denver and then it spreads from there. And so, I think law enforcement would help. But, you know, it's going to take more than that, Jennifer. It's - the problem is bigger than just adding more police officers.

LUDDEN: Is there a jurisdictional issue, though? I mean can things fall through the cracks?

Mr. GRANT: Yeah, it can.

LUDDEN: Christopher?

Mr. GRANT: I'm sorry. I didn't mean to jump in. Yeah, the jurisdiction issue in Indian country is complicated as well. I mean, there are various levels. There's tribal law enforcement, BIA Law Enforcement, federal law enforcement, there's PL 280. There's a - it's a complicated maze of jurisdictional issues. And, yes, that to some degree, can be to the advantage of drug-involved individuals to exploit that opportunity to fall through the cracks, as you say.

However, my experience is that most law enforcement in Indian country is your professional, dedicated, aware of the problem, do the best they can with the resources they have.

LUDDEN: Natay, can I ask you as a former gang member, I mean, from - looking back now, what do you think is needed? What could have maybe prevented you from getting involved in a gang or got you out of it earlier?

Mr. CARROLL: Well, there's a number of things, you know, that when I was running the streets and doing my thing, you know, that - you know, I heard and saw that was kind of challenging for me, you know, as an active member. You know, one of the things is, you know, I've - we've always heard the term, let's fight back. Let's take back. And these are real combative words when you put it out there into a community, you know, let's fight for this. Let's fight back. Let's take back. You know, it's almost in a sense you're egging on the gang to resist you.

Now, if you - we were to address this in a different manner to where, you know, we actually have, you know, we're not talking combative. You know, we're fighting back, we're taking back everything, you know, you're not going to really spark any type of negative reaction from the gangs. That was one of the main things that I saw that I always resisted against when I heard, oh, we're going take back the streets or whatever, you know, and we're like yeah, come and try it. I dare you.

LUDDEN: But was there a sense that you could - you said you were able to make a quick buck - that was, you know, an attraction of the gang and that we know the drug traffickers are moving in. Was there a sense you could get away with something that you couldn't elsewhere?

Mr. CARROLL: Oh, yeah. It was a lot easier on the reservation, you know? I mean, the resources of law enforcement to be spread out on a wide rural area was one of the biggest advantages that we had, you know, when it was - when we were running drugs or when we're dealing is that, you know, the place that we could hide was the reservation. That was the place to which to run and stash things, you know, because, I mean, the resource and lack of law enforcement to be in place would just stop those, you know, I mean very rarely did it happen unless someone knew prior that actually called in and pre-notified law enforcement, which is a rare thing.

LUDDEN: All right, just very quickly, we have a few more seconds. Are you all hopeful for the new focus by the Justice Department? Harlan?

Mr. McKASATO: Yeah, you know, I'm real hopeful, because in past administrations you know, there hasn't even been a focus. And so, any type of focus is going to be helpful. But again, I think it's going to take a combined effort. I think, you know, people are going to have to make a connection to the - at the ground level and help to restore their dignity. And like Natay said, you know, offer them some respect.

LUDDEN: Uh-huh.

Mr. MCKASATO: And with that along with…

LUDDEN: We're going to have to leave it there. So sorry. Harlan McKasato is a member of the Sac and Fox tribe and host of radio program "Native America Calling" and joined us from Albuquerque, New Mexico. Also there was Natay Carroll, a former gang member, and we heard from Christopher Grant a national Native American gang specialist and a former chief of detectives in Rapid City, South Dakota. He joined us from his home there. Thank you all so much.

Copyright ©2009 National Public Radio®. All rights reserved.

ELDER LAME DEER- HOLY MAN

ROLLING THUNDER- PROPHET OF CREATOR'S WORLD RENEWAL MEDICINE

QUANAH PARKER- WATERBIRD WAY




QUANAH PARKER- WATERBIRD WAY

CREATOR IS MAKING USE OF YOU. YOU SHOULD BE GRATEFUL, CREATOR'S FOUND A USE FOR YOU!


800 AD Meso-American Cherokee Corn God-(illustration: Mike (Ali) Raccoon Eyes Kinney)


"God is making use of you - you should be grateful He's found a use for you."

Mathew King, LAKOTA
The Creator can only create through human beings. Each human being has a purpose given to us by the Creator.

We are on this earth to fulfill this purpose. Our only work is to make ourselves ready, to become a channel, to perform for the Creator.

We prepare ourselves by prayer. We prepare ourselves by becoming unselfish. We prepare ourselves by seeking and choosing to walk on a spiritual path.

Each morning we look to the east and we say an honor prayer to the Creator. We offer our gifts: tobacco and CORN.

We ask him to help us do His will for today. In this simple way, we still fulfill our purpose. It should be an honor to serve the Creator.

Sunday, August 23, 2009

NATIVE SPIRITUALITY-THE GREATER THE FAITH, THE GREATER THE RESULT

"The greater the faith, the greater the result."


Fools Crow, LAKOTA
The Creator designed us to act on faith. We are able to do this by holding firm to our beliefs.

If we believe something and if we don't want the belief to change, we need to add the power of the Great Spirit to this belief. We must always have the spiritual added to our beliefs.

If we don't add the Spirit, then we may very well change our minds the first time we are tested. Each time we are tested and we don't change our minds, we get stronger.

The wind may blow on the red willow trees bending them and causing the roots to grow deeper. The more the wind bends the tree, the bigger, stronger, and deeper the roots grow.

We should be happy that we are tested. It's the Creator's way of making us have greater faith for greater results.

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

MORE RACCOON MEDICINE....

WE MUST BE THE SPIRITUAL CHANGE WE WISH TO SEE IN CREATOR'S WORLD!


A Native man should always be clean and sober, for he knows there is still more work to do !

Rise with the Sun to pray. Pray alone and pray often. The Great Creator will listen, if you only speak.


From all generations of the past, here now in the present and the unborn generations of the future, the Creator from Sacred Time, Creation Time, First Man and First Woman Time, made all Native People a Holy People.



It is important that we as Native People maintain good self-esteem, self-worth and self-value.
We cannot attack ourselves, beat ourselves up and pound ourselves for crimes we have never committed.

Our Prayer to the Creator represents a different kind a power, a different kind of strength, a different kind of energy.

Stand up with pride when you pray to Creator. Stand with Honor before Creator. Be Proud to be Spiritually alive on the Earth Mother, and thankful and honored to stand before Creator, rather than bowing down like a slave.



All prophecy can be changed. There are things that may happen under the present conditions of our world, but these conditions do not have to stay the way they are, or deteriorate to a more desperate situation.

Native People offer a spiritual solution to the world's problems.
Many people are interested in the message of Native Spirituality because they are aware of the despairing circumstances of our world and the fact that we must all make changes in order to survive globally.



We offer people hope for a peaceful world by sharing our Spiritual paths with them. We are not selling our ceremonies, or our traditions; we are sharing wisdom.

With Creator's World Renewal Medicine cycle soon approaching, it is predicted that all First Nation People shall return to our traditional Native ways. Native people will spiritually transform North America back into harmony and balance.

Native and non Native People who walk in the Spiritual ways of the Ancestors will be in control of the Americas.

Native people see the Sun as our Father. The highest of the Earth Mother's energies are in the morning when Father Sun is rising in the East.

Native people know that morning is the best time to pray for as Father Sun rises, we can place all problems and issues into the past. Native people give spiritual thanks daily for the energy and power of Father Sun.



The purest Spiritual medicine in the World of humankind is of course, the Great Creator of All Things, and the blessing of Father Sun when it rises each morning in the East.


When we as Native people pray, it permits us to have the Creator's Blessings of healing and understanding, in turn creates peace and love, and brings the full effect of Creator's harmony and balance to the Earth Mother.

Wado and A-ho, Brothers and Sisters

Mike (Ali) Raccoon Eyes Kinney

Posted by Mike (Ali) Raccoon Eyes Kinney

MORE RACCOON MEDICINE.....



TEACHING THE VALUES OF PEACE Blogspot has our official new mascot....
please meet RACCOON IN A BASKET.

UNTIL HE IS FREE!

THE MEANING OF RACCOON MEDICINE


RACCOON MEDICINE


Raccoon is a good sign. He is a good protector. He is intelligent,cunning,clean and very helpful. If you don't know how to do something, then make prayers and wish to the Raccoon and leave him some food. He will show you how to resolve your problem.


Raccoon can also be used as a doctor power, hunting power, and protection power. If you ever get lost in the woods or out in Nature, just ask Raccoon to help.
he likes helping people.

from: Spirits of the Earth- by Bobby Lake Thom, Plume Books,1997

AN OVERVIEW OF THE HUCHIUN BAND OF OHLONE AT GARRITY CREEK-EL SOBRANTE, CA.

THE HUCHIUN BAND OF THE OHLONE AT GARRITY CREEK- EL SOBRANTE, CA.

By Micheal (Ali) Raccoon Eyes Kinney

On Thursday, August 28, 2003, I led members of the Friends of Garrity Creek in exploring to see what we could find in terms of the Ohlone's historical presence around the north and east forks of Garrity Creek. Land developers want this area to build modern dwellings for profit, thus forever drastically changing and ruining the wild beauty of this well-loved piece of land. The open space surrounding this part of Garrity Creek includes ten acres of creek, valley and sloping hillsides dotted with copses of woods. Its isolation, peacefulness and charm mean much to the neighbors and few visitors who have discovered this hidden haven. They are curious about the history of the Ohlone here and asked me if physical evidence of their presence could still exist at this site. Knowing the history of the Huchiun Band of the Ohlone, I knew that they had occupied this particular territory in times of antiquity. Would traces of their lives here hundreds of years ago still be visible, after all the building and development in the area? I am pleased to say that we did find ancient artifacts that prove without a doubt that the Huchiun band of the Ohlone did once live at what is now known as Garrity Creek.

Overview - The Huchiun band of the Ohlone at Garrity Creek & the surrounding area

Before the coming of the Spanish, the Central coast of California had the densest population of Native Americans anywhere north of Mexico. More than 50,000 people lived in the coastal regions from the Carmel River to the San Francisco Bay Area. There were some sixty bands of people in San Francisco, Alameda and Contra Costa counties alone. Members of these sixty bands spoke ten to fifteen dialects of the Pentiuan family language group. A majority of the languages were closely related, but in some cases were so very different that these small bands could live several miles apart from one another and yet could not understand each other. (See attachment-1) [please note that attachments will be posted on this site at a later date].The average size of a band could number up to 250 persons. These sixty bands of the Pentiuan-speaking Native Americans lived in six of the nine San Francisco Bay Area counties -- San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Monterey, Alameda, Solano and Contra Costa. They were called the Ohlone, a Sierra Miwok word meaning the 'people of the West'. We need to think of the Ohlone not as a 'tribe', but as related groups of people with a similar Pentiuan-based language. Before European contact, these Pentiuan-speaking people never thought of themselves as a 'tribal' unit. However, the invasion and interaction with whites gradually caused most of those who remained of the original bands to think of themselves as Ohlone in later years.

This paper provides a history of the Huchiun band of the Ohlones in West Contra Costa County, with a specific report on their use of greater Garrity Creek at the El Sobrante site. The Huchiun used the El Sobrante site of Garrity Creek as a seasonal village for hunting herds of tule elk, pronghorn antelope and black tail deer and also for seed gathering and harvesting.

The Huchiun band of the Ohlone (the word Huchiun simply means 'people') homeland was high in the western hills of West Contra Costa County. It was a great stretch of high, rolling grassy hills clothed in a sweep of prairie-type grasses and endless fields of wildflowers. For the Huchiun, the important features were in the forests following the creeks and rivers down from the canyons in the high hill country and across the grassland savannahs to the San Pablo Bay. Here the coast redwood, buckeye, coast and live oak, big leaf maple, madrone and manzanita trees formed thousands of acres of untouched primeval forest that shadowed the Bay shoreline of West Contra Costa.

Our story of the Huchiun and Garrity Creek begins on the other side of the San Pablo Ridge at the mouth of Wildcat Canyon in Richmond, particularly at Wildcat Canyon Creek in present day Alvarado Park. While the record shows Huchiun presence throughout West Contra Costa from 5,000 to 20,000 years ago, most paleoanthropologists find 5,000 to 7,000 years ago to be more accurate. The present location of Alvarado Park was for thousands of years the site of one of the largest existing Huchiun villages, with a population of some 250 people residing on the banks of Wildcat Canyon Creek.

The first Spanish expedition there was chronicled by Captain Pedro Fages and Father Juan Crespi, who came north to explore the western parts of Contra Costa County in 1769 while looking for Drake's Bay. At the Richmond Wildcat Creek village, Crespi made contact with the first Huchiun, the same Huchiun that would use the Garrity Creek site in El Sobrante as a seasonal hunting and seed gathering ground. He stated they had found "a good village of heathen, very fair and bearded." Along San Pablo Bay close to the area where Garrity Creek flows into the Bay nearby Point Pinole, he reported "five large villages of very mild heathens with pleasant faces…(that were) bearded." (See attachment-2) The prehistoric Huchiun site map of archaeological excavations (See attachment-3), shows that Garrity Creek features very prominently in archaeological digs, notably sites CA-CCO-264 and 265. Recent archaeological digs completed in the mid-1990s showed that both Garrity Creek and adjacent Point Pinole (circled area of attachment-3) are included in an Ohlone spiritual center. Holy men and shamans from as far south as Monterey were brought to that village for burial. Upon reviewing the entire Ohlone landmarks map (See attachment-4), we can see how prominent the Huchiun were in the greater Ohlone world.

As we shall see in this narrative, Garrity Creek as a whole and the Garrity Creek site in El Sobrante played an important role in the life of the Huchiun people whose village sat upon the banks of the Wildcat Canyon Creek. Ohlone Native-American archaeologist Andrew Galvan estimates that around the time of the Fages and Crespi expeditions there were some 10,000 Huchiun in the East Bay. These indigenous people lived hunting and gathering lifestyles in tribelets of 250 or less. They lived in seasonal villages, migrating from the shores of San Pablo Bay to the inland canyons along Garrity, Rheem, San Pablo and Wildcat Canyon Creeks on a annual cycle for thousands upon thousands of years.

The Huchiun seasonally followed the harvesting locations of their food, abandoning winter villages during gathering and hunting periods. The Garrity Creek site was highly prized because it offered the basic sustenance of acorns from tanbark, valley, coast and live oak trees, as well as buckeye trees. They also harvested seeds, berries, greens, nuts and roots at the site location. They would venture down Garrity Creek to fish for steelhead, salmon and sturgeon that swam up Garrity Creek to spawn.

The Huchiun hunting at the El Sobrante site did not reduce the native animal populations. However, there were significant results when the Huchiun made seasonal summer camps such as Garrity Creek location. Each fall they would set fire to the dry hillocks and hills. This kept the brush from overtaking the meadowlands, giving good growth to seed harvest and ensuring plentiful grazing for large game animals like tule elk, pronghorn antelope and black tail deer. This created an ideal setting for excellent hunting conditions for the Huchiun at the Garrity Creek site. It also encouraged oak and pine nut seed germination, which germinate best after a controlled fire, and prevented a build up of fuel that could create a major firestorm.

Evidence of Huchuin use of the Garrity Creek site in El Sobrante as a seasonal seed gathering and hunting site

Having completed the historical overview of Huchiun presence in West Contra Costa, the question remains whether the El Sobrante area of Garrity Creek is a true archaeological site that should be preserved. How did we conclude that this location is included in the larger historical implications of being a prehistoric Native American seasonal seed gathering and hunting encampment? Let's examine the evidence found on August 28 for answers. At seasonal sites like these, physical evidence in terms of artifacts maybe scarce and difficult to locate -- a valid point to take into consideration. Why is there at times a lack of artifacts?

The answer is quite simple. The shelters they built were temporary and quickly decomposed, leaving behind no permanent trace of habitation. Also, when moving to different seasonal locations, the Huchiun band of the Ohlone typically traveled very lightly in terms of what equipment and gear they would carry with them from the permanent camp to their seasonal home. Their seasonal campsites were very low-impact with regards to the environment they would reside in for several weeks to a month at time. A highly resourceful people, they would only carry the tools and implements they needed, making other tools at the actual site if need be. Any tools that were not essential to take back to the main village were simply discarded or left at the seasonal site to be used next year.

Archeologists call tools and other implements that are left behind 'exposed artifacts.' This means they can be seen by the human eye on the ground level or are slightly buried several inches below the ground, but still can visually be seen. In exploring the particular site at Garrity Creek, I discovered various exposed artifacts, providing the factual basis from which to draw valid conclusions about the nature of Huchiun life at this site.

What was life like for the Huchiun at Garrity Creek? Let's follow them from their ancient village at Wildcat Canyon Creek and observe how they utilized and maintained this site for big game hunting, seed and plant gathering.

To reach their seasonal camp, a group of Huchiun would leave the Wildcat Canyon area and make the grueling trip to the high crests of the San Pablo Ridge. When they finally reached the highest 1500-foot elevation, they would start their slow descent down from the Ridge and into the El Sobrante Valley. By late afternoon or early evening, they had finally reached the large hillocks of the Garrity Creek area. Generally, at any given time the site would have no more than about ten to fifteen people from the village.

The first order of business was building temporary shelters to accommodate the Wildcat Canyon band for the time they would be there. Removing pacific willow saplings and branches from Garrity Creek, they would build a dome-shaped frame house in a short amount of time. (See attachment-5) The Huchiun utilized identical construction methods to the Pomo, as illustrated in this photo of a dome-shaped frame for a Pomo summer house. When the season was completed, they would abandon the structure and let the elements return it back to the earth. As you can see, finding the remnants of a dome frame structure would not be an easy task. There simply would be no trace of it -- after a year's time, it would start to slowly decompose after a brutal rainy winter. More than a century later, vital evidence of housing is not there to be found.

The evidence we can see includes the plants, shrubs and trees to demonstrate that this site was a seasonal seed and plant harvest site. During the end of spring, the women from the Wildcat Canyon village began the seed gathering and harvesting of dozens of different seeds and plants that served for both diet and medicinal purposes.

The women used burden baskets capable of carrying very heavy loads of seeds, which were held in place by tumplines worn on the forehead and attached to the burden basket. The Huchiun women would wear a basketry cap to prevent the burden basket from chafing their foreheads, as in (attachment-6). Using a scoop-like seed beater in the right hand (See attachment-7), they cradled the burden basket in the left arm and waded right into grass. They swept the seed beater through the seed heads, loosening the grass seeds and knocking them directly into the large burden basket. The Pomo seed beater in attachment-7 is very similar to the Huchiun version. Within a few weeks, they would complete collecting close to one ton of mustard seeds, sage or chia seeds, clarkia and redmaid seeds and place them in temporary cone-shaped granaries made of Pacific willow saplings. The granaries sat several feet above the ground and could keep several hundred pounds of seeds safe from mice and other rodents.

To mill the seed, the women put the seeds into a portable mortar and rolled a small pestle lightly around to loosen the hulls (See attachment-8). This seed pestle was discovered as an exposed artifact at the Garrity Creek site where the north and east forks of the creek join. I believe that this was a pre-teen's pestle because it is designed for a much smaller hand. I observed various seed grasses at the site that were commonly harvested by the Huchiun. The presence of these common food sources and the discovery of the pestle is convincing evidence that Garrity Creek was definitely a seasonal site to harvest seeds. Discovering the small seed pestle by the north and east forks where the creek joins is even more compelling evidence. The pestle was but a short distance from a few patches of seed bearing grasses.

On a small hillock over looking the Garrity Creek site are a series of three old live oak trees. In late September, October and early November, the acorns start to ripen and are ready for harvesting. Almost all residents of the Wildcat Canyon Creek village went to the oak groves maybe five or ten miles from home. So again during the acorn harvest season, Garrity Creek becomes a seasonal campsite. Soon the acorn harvesters would take acorns back to the Wildcat Canyon Creek village by the ton.

The acorns were ground with pestles in mortar baskets. After the pounding the woman put the acorn flour into a shallow sifting basket and would shake the fine flour from the coarse. Even when the acorn flour was refined, it was still nasty and bitter. The woman would now go to the east and north fork of the creek and scoop out a hole in the sand. Using a watertight basket, she would allow the water to run over the acorn meal for a great period of time. This process removed the bitter tannic acid. Some acorns could be leeched more quickly than others could; some batches of acorn meal could take all day. After the leeching process was completed, she would take another large watertight basket and drop great quantities of both the acorn flour and water into the basket. At the side of the basket she would have a small fire going with numerous round, spherical stones sitting in the fire. When a stone was hot enough, she would use long wooden prongs to pick up the hot stone and drop it into the basket (See attachment-9), adding many of these hot stones until the water would actually boil. These stones were called 'cooking stones'. (See attachment-10) She would use the wooden prongs to keep stirring the cooking stones so it would not burn her basket. Soon the boiling water and acorn flour turned into mush. The mush could then be baked like fry bread or eaten as soup or a thick cereal.

Oak trees capable of yielding acorns for Huchiun harvest flourish near Garrity Creek. I also found another important exposed artifact there: a perfectly round, spherical cooking stone formed of granite.

Good cooking stones, like the one that I found made out of granite, could not be cracked or shattered. They were highly prized by Huchiun women. The fact that this cooking stone was located where the north and east forks of the creek join is equally as significant. Water is needed in order to leech acorn flour; also, the cooking stones in the fire had to be near where the water and flour were boiling in the basket. All this boiling process required a ready source of running water to complete the final phase of making the acorn flour into mush. I could only conclude that a Huchiun woman utilized the cooking stone at this site during the annual acorn harvest. Also there were several buckeye trees from which Huchiun could harvest nuts if the acorn harvest fell short.

The next exposed artifact found where the east and north fork of the creek joins together was an abrader. Abraders are commonly found important tools that vary in size and shape, depending on the stone. Many of the Huchiun abraders are made of gritty stone shaped or in a natural form. Abraders served to sharpen, smooth and shape stone, bone antler, shell and wood. Rough-textured abraders function much like files or coarse sandpaper. Whetstones sharpened the edges of points of tools. (See attachment-11) The Huchiun abrader fits comfortably in one's hand; however, it was designed for the smaller hands of a Huchiun male. The first question I asked myself, "Why was it discarded or left behind at this particular site?"

I recalled seeing a black tail deer earlier in the afternoon at the Garrity Creek site. One of people who belong to the Friends of Garrity Creek informed me she had seen a huge full grown stag around the perimeter of the site. Then as I carefully examined the physical terrain more, I discovered that in the tall dry grass that there were some thirty indentations that had flattened out the grass. Looking more closely, I realized that this was where a herd of black tail deer bedded down to sleep. Then it dawned upon me that this was an area where Huchiun hunters came to kill deer.

Huchiun hunters used bow and arrows in their pursuit to successfully kill members of the black tail deer herd. Though I spent several hours looking for flaked obsidian projectile points or arrowheads, none were visible. In Contra Costa County, obsidian is very scarce, and the Huchiun obtained it solely through trade from Napa, Santa Rosa, and the east side of the Sierra Nevada.

I returned back to the creek area where I had found the abrader originally. I looked down around the creek itself and saw fresh deer tracks from the animals drinking from the creek. I saw two or three trails that led directly away from the creek in opposing directions. Here, from the cover of the coyote brush, would make a perfect ambush site to get closer arrow shots at the deer. I had found the artifact sitting right next to the coyote brush that would offer the most cover. I then realized the abrader had belonged to a Huchiun archer, who would use it to sharpen his projectile points to be razor sharp when he would be hidden in the coyote brush awaiting to ambush the black tail deer. The archer could have misplaced the abrader after sharpening his projectile point, or it could have fallen from his person as he took aim at the deer.

The Garrity Creek site is a popular area for deer to graze and sleep in the summertime. From the vantage point of the hillock with the oak trees, Huchiun hunters would have the perfect view of how best to encircle the deer herd and get terrific body shots while following the deer to the creek. The small Huchiun abrader gives the lead clue that the Garrity Creek site would indeed be a fabulous summer hunting camp.

We found the last exposed artifact in the same area where the north and east fork of the creek join. In this case, it was a piece of volcanic black pumice. (See attachment-12) In quite a few cases at Huchiun villages and seasonal campsites, black pumice is strewn throughout these prehistoric locations. I noted that the pumice was not far from where the abrader had been located. Pumice definitely was a part of the hunter's archery gear. The archer used it to aid in the beginning phases of smoothing out certain kinds of projectile points. The pumice acted as a prehistoric 'steel wool pad,' so coarse and yet also soft. When old projectile points became damaged or destroyed, this pumice was a critical tool in producing replacement projectiles. The hunter used pumice to initially rub out the rough edges of the newly fashioned projectile point or arrowhead until it had a semi-smooth texture, ready to begin the next phase of further smoothing. Carrying pumice would be an indispensable part of the prepared archer's gear on the hunting trail. This is another case in point of an archer in a seasonal location having the required tools to have a successful hunt.

Conclusion

In summary, I found compelling evidence that the Garrity Creek area between Manor Drive, Hilltop Drive, and Hilltop Green was a seasonal big game hunting and seed/plant gathering camp for the Huchiun. I found a number of exposed artifacts -- a seed pestle, a granite cooking stone, an abrader and a volcanic pumice whetstone -- close to the locations where Huchiun people would have utilized them in daily life, close to the riches of plant and animal life regularly utilized by the Huchiun in their diet.

It is my recommendation that this area be evaluated very soon by professional archaeologists whose knowledge is grounded in a strong understanding of the native customs of the Huchiun. This evaluation should take place prior to any disturbance of the area by future construction.

Recommendations for further reading

East Bay Express "Return of the Native" by Louise Lacey Oct 11, 1996 Volume 19, #1.

Stone, Bone, Antler and Shell: Artifacts of the Northwest Coast, by Hilary Stewart. University of Washington Press, Seattle WA, 1996.

The Destruction of California Indians, by Robert F. Heizer. University of Nebraska Press, 1993.

The Ellis Landing Shellmound. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Berkeley CA, 1910.

The Native Americans: The Indigenous People of North America, by Colin F. Taylor, Salamander Books, London UK, 2002.

The Ohlone Way, by Malcolm Margolin. Heyday Books, Berkeley CA, 1978.

The Pomo Indians of California, by Vinson Brown and Douglas Andrews. Naturegraph Publishers, Healdsburg CA, 1969.

The Stege Mounds at Richmond California, University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Berkeley CA, 1924.

www.ucsc.edu/ucsc/nat-reserves/papers/Ld-nishihira-reserve/html

Editor's note: A very thorough description of the way of life of the Huchuin can be found in chapter 4 of the following study housed in the Richmond History Room, Richmond Main Library,Richmond,CA.

Investigation of cultural resources within the Richmond Harbor Redevelopment Project 11-A, Richmond, Contra Costa County, California. Prepared by California Archaeological Consultants, Inc., Peter M. Banks and Robert I. Orlins. March 1981.

Photos:

Map 2.1 Location of study area This map, showing the various forks of Garrity Creek, delineates the area of the 1981 archaeological study prepared for the city of Richmond prior to the beginning of work on the Harbor Redevelopment Project.

Map 2.3 Map of Richmond vicinity 1856 -- Garrity Creek is shown in the upper right hand part of this map.

Map 2.6 Geologic map of study area

This shows the location of a probable fault near the El Sobrante area. The Hayward fault is to the east, thus this area is located between two fault areas and may be in a structural trough.

Map 2.7 shows the plant communities along Garrity Creek to be Riparian Woodland.

Map 3.1 Location of prehistoric sites within the study area

Map 4.3 Landmarks from historic documents

Portrait of San Francisco Bay peoples by Ludovic Choris, 1816 from "Voyage Pittoresque" 18i25: Plate VI. Women of the Huimen tribelet #1,3; a woman of the Huchiun tribelet in 2, and women of the Saklan tribelet in 4&5.

Monday, August 17, 2009

DESTRUCTION OF CALIFORNIA NATIVES; WE MUST NEVER FORGET!

Destruction of the California Indians




For thousands of years, the Indians of California had enjoyed considerable cultural stability. It is estimated that the pre-contact native population of California was 300,000, one of the densest native populations anywhere in North America. However, with beginning of Spanish colonization in 1769, the world of the California Indians was dramatically altered, beginning a trend of cultural disintegration and physical destruction that would last over one hundred and fifty years.

Although the first native contact with whites came in the sixteenth century, with the landings of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo and later Sir Francis Drake, such interaction was brief and limited, without long-term implications. However, the foundation of the Mission San Diego in 1769 initiated a Spanish plan for colonization of Alta California. The missions were, in Spain's perception, designed to mutually benefit both the Indians and the Spanish Empire. The Indians were to receive the blessings of Christianity, agriculture and civilization, while through these adobe outposts Spain established political, economic, and cultural control over the California frontier. In theory, the missions would be temporary institutions; once the natives were converted and rendered self-sufficient they would be given land to become farmers and full-fledged citizens of the Spanish empire.

Initially, the missions attracted considerable interest among the local groups. Many no doubt came out of curiosity, many more were lured by the material wealth of the mission. Those who converted to Christianity were dubbed “neophytes” by the Franciscans, as opposed to the non-Christian “gentile” Indians. What many Indians failed to realize is that baptism was a binding contract with the mission. While gentile Indians might be free to come and go, neophytes were not allowed to leave the missions, and were under the strict authority of the friars. Corporal punishment was common at the missions, and recaptured neophytes, upon interrogation, often claimed they ran away after being beaten too severely. Stocks and chains were also used to restrain and punish offenders. To prevent escapes, neophytes were locked inside at night, and unmarried women were locked in a special "nunnery" to preserve their chastity. Structured mission life, with scheduled meals and constant supervised labor, no doubt produced a certain cultural shock to people accustomed to setting their own work rhythms. However, even the harshest critics of the missions agree that the physical labor required of the Indians was not particularly strenuous. It is estimated that they worked roughly 30-40 hours a week, about the same amount of time they would have labored daily in order to make a living as hunter-gathers.

Most friars certainly did not administer discipline with wonton cruelty or malicious intent. Corporal punishment was a common European method of military and civil discipline. The pious friars probably flailed themselves more often then they beat their neophytes. It seems that discipline became more impersonal and draconian after 1800, when the mission population rapidly increased from 4,500 to 20,000, straining the ability of the friars to keep order without resorting to the lash.

For all the best intentions of the dedicated Franciscans friars, the missions system wrought misery and havoc upon the people it was supposed to civilize. As anthropologist Alfred Kroeber summed up: "It must have caused many of the Fathers a severe pang to realize, as they could not but do daily, that they were saving souls only at the inevitable cost of lives. And yet such was the overwhelming fact.

The brute upshot of the missionization, in spite of its kindly flavor and humanitarian root, was only one thing, death." Mission conditions were especially conducive for the spread of disease. Indians had no immunity to the new diseases that the friars and other Europeans brought with them. Venereal disease, transmitted by soldiers unencumbered by vows of celibacy, was especially devastating, as it was passed from mother to child in the womb, leaving a generation to suffer its debilitating effects. The classic killers, cholera, dysentery, measles and mumps, claimed tens of thousands of lives. The first smallpox was recorded in 1828 and 1837, an epidemic broke out that ravaged far inland. Deadly pathogens radiated from the missions, killing many of the gentile Indians who lived nearby.

The missions failed in their goal of making the Indians self-sustaining agrarians within ten to twenty years. Instead, they destroyed many native political and social institutions that might have helped them survive during the Spanish, Mexican and American periods. It was, however, the intention of the mission to transform the natives into a docile state, and they succeeded in raising a generation of Indians who knew nothing but mission life and were helpless on their own.

Unfortunately, once the newly established Mexican government secularized the missions, they cast off thousands of dependent neophytes. Many were taken advantage of, as whites seized lands they had been allotted by the secularization decree. Indians who had been trained as vaqueros found meaningful employment on the great ranchos, but many others languished in poverty. Such was their plight in 1884 when Helen Hunt Jackson wrote the melodramatic novel Ramona to publicize the sorry condition of the destitute and abandoned former mission Indians.

At times the Indians engaged in violent resistance against the Spanish. In 1781, the Yuma Indians of the Colorado River revolted following the establishment of two missions near their villages. They were incited to violence after a party of settlers allowed their animals to wander through their fields. The Yuma razed the two missions, killing four friars. The next day, they ambushed the Spanish settlers, killing all 30 of the men and taking the women and children as slaves. The Spanish authorities in Mexico, their military resources occupied against the Apaches further east, neglected to retaliate. Although a few of the captives were ransomed, the land route between Alta California and Mexico remained closed for over forty years.

In 1824, the mission Indians themselves stages a major revolt at the Mission La Purisma Concepcion and Mission Santa Ines, following the flogging of a neophyte. Four Californios were killed along with seven loyal neophytes. Word of the revolt spread to Santa Barbara, where the alcade of the local Indian community, hearing rumors of retaliation against his heretofore innocent village, sacked and looted the Mission of Santa Barbara and fled into the hills. The Indians holed up at the Mission La Purisma were induced to surrender after an artillery bombardment killed 16 of their number, and seven rebels were later executed. For a brief period rebel leaders attempted to organize a general revolt against the Mexicans, but they failed to rally sufficient support from the politically disorganized tribelets. Some of the escaped rebels formed a new community at the base of the Sierra Nevada near Walker's Pass.

In 1829, a group of Indians under the alcade Estanislao (named for the Polish saint Stanislaus) staged an effective revolt, leading a band of 1000 away from the Mission San Jose and establishing a camp near the river that now bears his name. Two Mexican expeditions were sent against him, but he entrenched his forces and repelled both assaults. The young Lieutenant Mariano Vallejo raised a third forced, and crushed Estanilao. Fleeing south, Estanislao obtained a pardon from a priest, and promptly went to work as an effective hunter of run-away neophytes until he died of smallpox. Still, the prospect of 1000 armed warriors badly frightened the Californios, who then had fewer than 2000 men of military age and suffered a dearth of military equipment and munitions.

The revolts of 1824 and 1829 demonstrated that many Indians felt real grievances against the missions. However, it is difficult to deny the fact that the mission system could have only existed with the general compliance of the neophytes. Some 30 friars along with fewer than 300 poorly trained and lightly armed soldiers were able to hold a population of 20,000 neophytes at bay only with the cooperation of the Indians. Some Indians leaders, appointed as alcades by the padres, helped keep their people behaved. Most neophytes no doubt had some reason to stay at the mission. Many must have found the Catholic religion, with its pageantry and ceremony, appealing. Others enjoyed the reliable food and clothing provided by the missions. Others must have been intimidated by coercive techniques of discipline and were too afraid to resist or flee. The disruption of Indian communities due to disease and raiding may have lead many to join the missions as a last resort.

While most of the inland tribes had little direct contact with the Spanish, other than occasionally clashing with soldiers sent to collect runaway neophytes, the introduction of Spanish horses radically altered the cultures of the San Joaquin Valley. Previously, the Miwok and Yokuts had been sedentary hunter-gathers, living along the rivers and tule swamps of the valley. However, with the infusion of horses, runaway and stolen, these tribes were transformed into bands of semi-nomadic pastoralist raiders. Within a period of ten years, they mastered the art of riding, and soon plagued Spanish settlements and later Mexican ranchos. It would seem that the level of violence within these Indian societies rose dramatically, as they stole horses from each other as well in raids that began to resemble the warfare of the Plains Indians, also based on the reciprocal looting of enemy herds.

This warlike quality led several Indians to be enlisted into the California Battalion that formed in 1846 under Col. John C. Fremont. Company H of the battalion consisted primarily of Indians, and was successfully employed raiding enemy herds of cattle and horses, dubbed “my forty thieves” by Fremont. (Hurtado, 81) After the conquest was completed, however, the California Battalion was directed to turn its attentions to the suppression of horse raiders in the Central Valley.

Whites such as John Sutter living on the frontier of Mexican California learned the value of Indian labor. Sutter, who established a personal empire in Nisenan territory at the confluence of the Sacramento and American Rivers, based his economy on exploiting the labor of local Indians. The only source of European goods in the region, Indians naturally flocked to his fort. Indians at the fort were issued a circular sheet of metal, in which a hole was punched upon the completion of a day's work. Seven holes might be sufficient to obtain an article of clothing in the fort's store, usually a cheap second-hand garment. Sutter refused to pay his Indians in currency, and thus bound them to him through a web of debt and credit. Sutter's Fort actually did not dramatically disrupt the traditional habits of the local Nisenan; indeed Sutter relied on the nearby villages to provide a support network for his workers, many of whom were seasonal.

Yet Sutter's interaction with the natives has a darker side, as his coercion was not merely economic. Sutter maintained a private army of roughly 40 mission trained Indians, which he used to suppress those groups that failed to cooperate, often attacking and dispersing villages that refused to respond to his calls for laborers, as well as attempting to wipe out the Miwok raiders who threatened his herds. Sutter was a chronic womanizer, and often used Indian girls to satisfy his lust. On occasion he treated his Indians as property, lending them to his creditors so that their labor could work of his debts, and once making a gift of an Indian girl to a friend.

The Indians of the interior, although farther removed from contact with whites, suffered from lethal diseases. The primary killer seems to have been mosquito-born malaria, introduced by a party that passed through Oregon in 1834. The results were devastating, as observers reported finding villages inhabited only by bloated corpses and bleached skeletons.

By 1848, the California Indian population had already declined markedly, from roughly 300,000 to roughly 100,000, almost exclusively due to disease.

Nonetheless, non-missionized Indians were still a majority in California, as the population of Mexicans, Americans and neophytes was only 14,000. Indians still entirely controlled the foothill and mountain regions of the state. Mostly Indians populated the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys, although this region constituted a frontier zone where Indians and Europeans interacted in both friendly and unfriendly terms. Only the California coast below San Francisco belonged exclusively to Europeans, although daring horse raiders made theirpresence known even here.

The discovery of gold in 1848 proved disastrous. By the end of 1849, 100,000 gold-seekers had flocked to the state, tipping the demographic balance against the Indians for the first time. They flocked to regions that had once been the exclusive domain of the Indians: the Sierra Nevada foothills. Miners, heavily armed and warned of the dangers of wild savages, drove Indians away in order to establish claims. Homicide was common, and many miners operated on a "get him before he gets me" mentality.

Indians made war against the miners in the blood feud style that had characterized pre-contact conflict. Usually a white offense triggered the violence, with trespassing or rape of an Indian women being the most common incitements. The Indians, outraged, responded with a killing, usually of the individual offender. Whites countered Indian violence with the organized, confrontational Western style of warfare. They organized themselves into militia companies and ruthlessly pursued and attacked Indians they suspected of causing trouble. Occasionally, they massacred entire bands indiscriminately.

In 1850, following the murder of a white man, an American militia aided by Regular United States Army troops killed sixty Pomo men, women, and children, a brutal over-retaliation that became known as the Bloody Island Massacre.

In 1871, a militia company surrounded and ambushed the last remnant of the Yahi tribe, killing over 70. One of the handfuls of survivors was the celebrated Ishi, then only a boy, who escaped by jumping to the river. Many counties offered bounties for Indian scalps, and a professional scalp hunter who might ride in with a dozen or so Indian heads in order to claim payment. Altogether, it is estimated that some 4,500 Indians died violent deaths during the Gold Rush.

Indians had long been considered a potential pool of servile labor, but early California codes legitimized pseudo-slavery for hapless natives. Under an “apprenticeship” programs, Indian children might be bound to serve a white until they were thirty years of age, effectively making them unwilling indentured servants. Indians convicted of drunkenness or vagrancy had their services auctioned off for a period of time.

An illegal trade in kidnapped Indian children developed, with over 4000 children snatched from their home and sold as “apprentices.” (Rawls, 96) This practice wasn't brought to an end until after the Civil War and the passage 13th Amendment banning involuntary servitude.

Cultural disruption also played a part in the marked decline of Indian numbers. Violence depleted, disrupted, and scattered Indian communities. The elderly, deprived of the community that might have supported them in their old age, perished. Malnutrition and poverty weakened individuals, who succumbed to a fresh wave of diseases. Many Indian women prostituted themselves, while more were subject to rape and venereal disease, which took its toll on fertility rates. Women suffered comparably worse than men, who were able to better incorporate themselves into the new economy as laborers.

As women perished from starvation, murder, venereal disease, and neglect, it became increasingly difficult for men to find suitable mates. It was difficult if not impossible for stable native families to persist, and thus marriages and childbirth declined markedly. In the first ten years after the Gold Rush, the native population declined from approximately 100,000 to roughly 35,000. After 1860, the downward trend leveled off somewhat, as survivors made painful adjustments to their new conditions. The decline continued, however, until only 20,000 California Indians remained in 1900.


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